Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East

Yale UNIVERSITY PRESS

Contents

CHAPTER 1

From Station Z to Jerusalem

It began as another normal summer day in June 1942 at the Sachsenhausenconcentration camp near Berlin, the place where SS traineeswere taken to see how the Master Race's captive enemies should betreated. Three barracks in a separate section housed Jewish prisoners,mainly Polish citizens or men deported from Berlin. On that particularday, a squad of shouting guards ordered the Jewish prisoners of Barrack38 to line up for four special visitors participating in an SS tour.

As a model SS facility Sachsenhausen was run with the utmost efficiencyand discretion. Whenever a prisoner was murdered or died,the nearby town's officials filled out a routine death certificate, as if hispassage from life had been an ordinary one. Only the wafting smell ofdeath from the cremation chimneys suggested otherwise. Yet this visitwas handled with even greater care. Fritz Grobba, the Nazi regime'schief Middle East expert and liaison with its Arab allies, emphasizedthe event's importance. Everything must be perfect. So seriously did theReich's leadership take this occasion that SS chief Heinrich Himm lerpersonally drove to Sachsenhausen beforehand and took the plannedtour himself.

The timing was carefully selected. In May, just one month earlier, theGermans had begun a new project in Sachsenhausen that they wantedto show off to their allies. It was codenamed Station Z. The choice ofthe letter "Z," the alphabet's last letter, was to symbolize that this placewould mark the end of the road for Jews, not only in Sachsenhausenbut throughout Europe.

For years, the Nazis had experimented with the best method for exterminatingJews and others. Starting with individual hangings, theymoved on to shooting people in groups, more efficient but still slow.The breakthrough in mass producing death came in 1941 with the developmentof camouflaged gas chambers. These had just been installedat Sachsenhausen along with four new crematoria to speed up disposalof corpses. In May, Himmler ordered the killing of 250 Jews in thecamp as a test run. The system worked flawlessly.

And so, in June 1941, four special Arab guests visited the prototypefor future death camps. Their interest had a very practical purpose.One day, they planned to create their own Station Z's in the MiddleEast near Tunis, Baghdad, and Jericho to eliminate all the Jews in theregion.

That goal had been set in a January 1941 letter that Amin al-Husaini,the Palestine Arab political and religious leader, sent German ChancellorAdolf Hitler. Al-Husaini asked Hitler to help Arabs solve the Jewishquestion in their lands the way it was being done in Germany. To succeedthey must learn the Nazis' techniques and obtain their technology.

This was why four officials from Germany's Arab allies were atSachsenhausen in June 1942, preparing for the day they would returnhome behind Hitler's army. One interpretation of the documents has beenthat they were all aides, one of al-Husaini and three working for Germany'sother main Arab ally, Rashid Ali al-Kailani, Iraq's former rulerwho had been overthrown by a British invasion the previous year andfled to Berlin. The delegation's Palestinian Arab member would havebeen either al-Husaini's security adviser, Safwat al-Husaini, or anothernephew, Musa al-Husaini, who handled propaganda and agitation.

Another interpretation, however, is more dramatic: the four visitorsmight have included Germany's two main Arab allies in person—al-Husainiand al-Kailani—each with one aide. The evidence points toat least al-Kailani's personal presence. Grobba had written, "Thereshouldn't be concerns about the participation of al-Kailani himselfin this inspection." Foreign Ministry Under Secretary Martin Lutherasked "Why al-Kailani and his entourage had visited that camp." Thevisitors most likely, then, included al-Kailani, an Iraqi and a PalestinianArab whom their bosses had assigned to the SS course, along witheither a second Iraqi assistant or, less probably, al-Husaini himself.

Whether or not he personally visited the death camp on that occasion,the grand mufti emerged as Nazi Germany's main Arab and Muslimally. He and his entourage had first fled British arrest for stirringa bloody revolt in Palestine, and had then—after a stay as al-Kailani'sguest in Baghdad—fled to Germany ahead of the British army. On November28, 1941, Hitler gave al-Husaini a long audience as a markof special favor, during which they agreed to cooperate in committinggenocide against the Jews.

The path leading to that moment started in 1871, when Prussia ledneighboring states into the creation of a united Germany. Arab intellectualslater saw this as a model for doing the same thing. Before WorldWar I, Germany's monarch, the kaiser portrayed himself as patron ofMuslims and Arabs. During the war, Germany fomented a jihad toencourage Muslims to fight on its side.

After the war, the thinking of Hitler and al-Husaini had developedalong parallel lines. Both the grand mufti and Hitler developed theidea that only exterminating the Jews would let them achieve theirgoals. The two men each sought allies with a similar worldview.When Hitler became Germany's chancellor in 1933, the grand muftivisited the German consulate in Jerusalem to offer cooperation. Thatsame year, Hitler's autobiography, Mein Kampf, was serialized in Arabnews papers and became a best-selling book.

Nazi Germany and its ideology became popular among Arabs formany reasons. They, too, saw themselves as a weak, defeated, and humiliatedpeople, much like the Germans after World War I. Germanywas also an enemy of Britain (which ruled Egypt, Sudan, Jordan, Palestine,and Iraq); France (which ruled North Africa, Lebanon, and Syria);and the USSR (which had large Muslim-populated areas).

In addition, many Arabs hoped to copy Nazi Germany's seeminglymagic formula for quickly becoming strong and victorious by having apowerful government mobilizing the masses by passionate patriotism,militant ideology, and hatred of scapegoats. That fascist Italy offeredthe same model reinforced the idea.

The grand mufti later wrote that many Arabs proclaimed, "Thankgoodness, al-Hajj Muhammad Hitler has come." The regimes thatwould later rule Iraq for forty years, Syria for fifty years, and Egypt forsixty years were all established by groups and leaders who had beenNazi sympathizers.

The alliance between these two forces was logical. Al-Husaini's1936–39 Palestinian Arab rebellion received weapons from Berlin andmoney from Rome. In 1937, he urged Muslims to kill all the Jews livingin Muslim lands, calling them "scum and germs." But al-Husaini'sambitions went further. He wanted German backing not only to wipeout the Jews in the Middle East but also to make him ruler over allArabs. In exchange for Berlin's backing, he pledged to bring the Muslimsand Arabs into an alliance with Germany; spread Nazi ideology;promote German trade; and "wage terror," in his own words, againstthe British and French.

The Nazis were eager for this partnership. They established specialrelationships with the Muslim Brotherhood, the Ba'th Party, the YoungEgypt movement, and radical factions in Syria, Iraq, and Palestine. Berlinalso hoped to build links with the kings of Egypt and Saudi Arabia.In 1939, for example, Hitler met Saudi King Abd al-Aziz Ibn Saud'senvoy, Khalid al-Qarqani, telling him: "We view the Arabs with thewarmest sympathy for three reasons. First, we do not pursue any territorialaspirations in Arab lands. Second, we have the same enemies.And third, we both fight against the Jews. I will not rest until the verylast of them has left Germany."

Al-Qarqani agreed, saying that the prophet Muhammad had actedsimilarly in driving all the Jews out of Arabia. A Muslim could makeno more flattering comparison. Hitler asked al-Qarqani to tell his kingthat Germany wanted an alliance and would arm both Saudi Arabiaand al-Husaini's men.

But first, Hitler had to decide precisely how "the very last" of theJews were to leave Germany. As late as 1941, Hitler thought this couldhappen, in the words of Hermann Göring in July, by "emigration orevacuation." Yet since other countries refused to take many or anyJewish refugees, Palestine was the only possible refuge, as designatedby the League of Nations in 1922. If that last safe haven was closed,mass murder would be Hitler's only alternative.

The importance of the Arab-Muslim alliance for Berlin, along withthe grand mufti's urging, ensured that outcome. And al-Husaini wouldbe present at the critical moment Hitler chose it. In November 1941,al-Husaini arrived in Berlin to a reception showing the Germans sawhim as future leader of all Arabs and Muslims, perhaps even reviver ofthe Islamic caliphate. He was housed in the luxurious Castle Bellevue,once home to Germany's crown prince and today the official residenceof Germany's president.

Al-Husaini was paid for his personal and political needs an amountequivalent to about twelve million dollars a year in today's values.The funds were raised by selling gold seized from Jews sent to concentrationcamps. Following this pattern, al-Husaini requested andreceived as his office an expropriated Jewish apartment. His staff washoused in a half-dozen other houses provided by the Germans. In addition,al-Husaini was given a suite in Berlin's splendid Hotel Adlonand, for vacations, luxurious accommodations at the Hotel Zittau andOybin Castle in Saxony.

On the German side, Grobba was his guide and handler; Ernst vonWeizsäcker, a state secretary and SS general, his liaison with the ForeignMinistry. Von Weizsäcker preferred courting Turkey rather thanthe Arabs since it had a large army—thirty-six brigades easily expandableto fifty—while all Arab countries combined had just seven, andthose mostly under British officers.

But Hitler had a higher opinion of the grand mufti's value. All hisother Arab or Muslim partners had followers in just one country; al-Husainihad transnational influence. The grand mufti sought to provehimself worthy of these high expectations. At the Bellevue, he met notonly Arab politicians but also exiled Muslim leaders from the USSR,India, Afghanistan, and the Balkans.

Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop was impressed, telling alHusaini,"We have watched your fight for a long time. We have alwaysadmired you, fascinated by your dangerous adventures...." VonRibbentrop assured al-Husaini of the Reich's support. The Germansaccepted al-Husaini's claim that the Arab masses would rally to theirside if Berlin guaranteed independence from British and French rule aswell as stopping all Jewish immigration into Palestine. In March 1941,Berlin secretly promised to support Arab independence. In October,Berlin and Rome publicly announced that policy.

Among themselves, German officials called al-Husaini the most importantMuslim cleric and leader of the Arabs in Lebanon, Syria, Palestine,Transjordan (today Jordan), Iraq, and elsewhere. Hitler calledhim the "principal actor of the Middle East, a realist, not a dreamer."A contemporary U.S. intelligence assessment agreed, claiming al-Husainiwas seen throughout the Middle East as "the greatest leader of theArab peoples now alive."

In recognition of this estimate, Hitler gave al-Husaini a ninety- minutemeeting on November 28, 1941. Hitler's preparatory briefing, writtenby Grobba, stressed that al-Husaini was in tune with Germany's ideologicaland strategic interests. The red carpet was rolled out with theNazi regime's considerable talent for dramatic pomp. The grand muftistepped from his limousine to see a two-hundred-man honor guard anda band playing military music. Hitler greeted him warmly, "I am mostfamiliar with your life."

His Arab guest returned the compliments, pleased to find Hitler notonly a powerful speaker but also a patient listener. Al-Husaini thankedthe German dictator for long supporting the Palestinian Arab cause.The Arabs, he asserted, were Germany's natural friends, believed itwould win the war, and were ready to help. Al-Husaini explained hisplan to Hitler. He would recruit an Arab Legion to fight for the Axis;Arab fighters would sabotage Allied facilities while Arab and Muslimleaders would foment revolts to tie up Allied troops and add territoryand resources for the Axis.

Hitler accepted, saying the alliance would help his life-and-deathstruggle with the two citadels of Jewish power: Great Britain and SovietRussia. At that moment, the Third Reich was at the height of itsvictories. German forces were advancing deep inside the Soviet Unionand nearer its border with Iran. General Erwin Rommel was movinginto Egypt and many Egyptians thought Cairo might soon fall. Whenthe day of German victory came, Hitler continued, Germany wouldannounce the Arabs' liberation. The grand mufti would become leaderof most Arabs. All Jews in the Middle East would be killed. When alHusainiasked for a written agreement, Hitler replied that he had justgiven him his personal promise and that should be sufficient.

For al-Husaini, the meeting could not have gone better. Not onlywas the might of triumphant Germany, Europe's master, sponsoringthe Arab cause, but the world's most powerful man was backing himpersonally. Hitler was also pleased. Afterward, he called al-Husaini"the principal actor in the Middle East," a sly fox, a realist, and—withhis blond hair and blue eyes—an Aryan, too. And so Hitler forgaveal-Husaini what the German leader called his sharp and mouse-likecountenance.

Germany's certification of the grand mufti as its candidate to be Araband Muslim leader was confirmed in a uniquely Nazi manner. The dayafter the meeting, the grand mufti went to see a physician, Dr. PierreSchrumpf, whose thorough physical checkup lasted six hours. The doctorconcluded that al-Husaini was no mere Arab but a Circassian, thusa Caucasian, and hence an Aryan. His pseudoscientific diagnosis restedon distinctively unphysical reasoning. An Arab could never have keptup the battle against the British and Jews, the doctor explained, butwould have sold out to them. Al-Husaini's steadfastness proved he wasan Aryan. And since he was an Aryan he would be a faithful ally forNazi Germany.

But there was another consequence of the al-Husaini–Hitler meetingto cement their alliance. A few hours after seeing the grand muftiHitler ordered invitations sent for a conference to be held at a villa onLake Wannsee. The meeting's purpose was to plan the comprehensiveextermination of all Europe's Jews.

Considerations of Muslim and Arab alliances, of course, were by nomeans the sole factor in a decision that grew from Hitler's own anti-Semiticobsession. But until that moment the German dictator had leftopen the chance that expulsion might be an alternative to extermination.

When Hitler first told Heydrich to find a "final solution," the dictatorhad included expelling the Jews as an option. Already, the regimeestimated. It had let about 500,000 Jews leave Germany legally duringseven years of Nazi rule. Yet if the remaining Jews could only go to Palestine,and since ending that immigration was al-Husaini's top priority,emigration or expulsion would sabotage the German-Arab alliance.Given the combination of the strategic situation and Hitler's personalviews, choosing to kill the Jews and gain the Arab and Muslim assetsnecessary for his war effort was an easy decision.

Consequently, Hitler ordered the Wannsee Conference to devise adetailed plan for genocide. Since this decision was linked to the alliancewith al-Husaini he would be the first non-German informed aboutthe plan, even before it was formally presented at the conference. AdolfEichmann himself was assigned to this task.

Eichmann briefed al-Husaini in the SS headquarters map room,using the presentation prepared for the conference. The grand mufti,Eichmann's aide recalled, was very impressed, so taken with this blueprintfor genocide that al-Husaini asked Eichmann to send an expert—probablyDieter Wisliceny—to Jerusalem to be his own personal adviserfor setting up death camps and gas chambers once Germany wonthe war and he was in power.
(Continues...)Excerpted from Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East by BARRY RUBIN, WOLFGANG G. SCHWANITZ. Copyright © 2014 Barry Rubin and Wolfgang G. Schwanitz. Excerpted by permission of Yale UNIVERSITY PRESS.
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